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Breaking News:

Obama to Usher In New World Order at G-20

Obama to Usher In New World Order at G-20

Youtube Video: President Barack Obama – ‘The Arrogant One’

Barack Obama's New World Order

Kissinger affirms call for 'new world order'

An end of hubris

The immediate challenge

Related Prophecy

 

Related in the News

Obama to Usher In New World Order at G-20

Posted on 03 April 2013 by "the witness"

By Kelly Chernenkoff

Published September 25, 2009

FoxNews.com

Obamas and Hu at G20 dinner

President Barack Obama speaks during a town-hall meeting at Rhenus Sports Arena in Strasbourg, eastern France, on April 3, 2009

Lionel Bonaventure / AFP / Getty

In a surprising late-night twist on the eve of the G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh, FOX News has learned President Obama will announce Friday morning a significant expansion of the consortium of countries that tackles global economic and climate change issues.

Obama will tell reporters that the G-20, comprised of 19 industrial and emerging-market countries plus the European Union, will supplant the smaller Group of Eight nations, G-8, as the go-to group for solving the world's economic ills.

"This decision brings to the table the countries needed to build a stronger, more balanced global economy, reform the financial system, and lift the lives of the poorest," the White House said in a statement.

The G8 will retain its national security focus, but be replaced by the broader G-20 on the issues of climate change, financial regulatory reform and global imbalances.

President Obama pressed for the change at the last G-8 Summit in Italy, expressing his displeasure at the unwieldy array of G-8 meeting variations.

Obama said, "There is no doubt that we have to update and refresh and renew the international institutions that were set up in a different time and place. What I've noticed is everybody wants the smallest possible group, the smallest possible organization, that includes them. So, if they're the 21st largest nation in the world, they want the G-21, and think it's highly unfair if they have been cut out."

Though the news itself was an unexpected turn, the reasoning behind it was written in the tea leaves Thursday when Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner sang the praises of broadened global cooperation; making special note of the strides China, a non-G-8 country, has made in financial reforms. 

The more inclusive approach will allow countries such as Brazil, China, and India, who have griped about not being part of the G-8, to now have a bigger stake in strengthening global cooperation and economic stability. President Obama also supported their inclusion, noting fewer meetings would be more effective.

The G-20 started ten years ago as a group of Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors from industrialized and developing economies, but has involved Heads of State Summits, such as the one taking place Friday.

The G-8's members are Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The European Commission attends as well.

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Youtube Video: President Barack Obama – ‘The Arrogant One’

What a Youtube Video confirming how the prophet Jeremiah had prophesied about Obama, just a Yahshua had revealed to me from the beginning – speaking of an individual, who Yahshua called ‘the Arrogant One

http://img.timeinc.net/time/daily/2009/0904/360_obama_charm_0403.jpg

President Barack Obama – ‘The Arrogant One’

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Barack Obama's New World Order

By Michael Scherer / Strasbourg

Friday, Apr. 03, 2009

http://img.timeinc.net/time/daily/2009/0904/360_obama_charm_0403.jpg

President Barack Obama speaks during a town-hall meeting at Rhenus Sports Arena in Strasbourg, eastern France, on April 3, 2009

Lionel Bonaventure / AFP / Getty

The United States is still the same country it was a year ago, give or take about 6 million jobs. But its international branding campaign, as led by the new President, Barack Obama, is so different that the rest of the world might be forgiven if it has to do a double take.

Most of the hallmarks of the foreign policy of George W. Bush are gone. The old conservative idea of "American exceptionalism," which placed the U.S. on a plane above the rest of the world as a unique beacon of democracy and financial might, has been rejected. At almost every stop, Obama has made clear that the U.S. is but one actor in a global community. Talk of American economic supremacy has been replaced by a call from Obama for more growth in developing countries. Claims of American military supremacy have been replaced with heavy emphasis on cooperation and diplomatic hard labor. (Read "Obama in Europe: Facing Four Big Challenges.")

The tone was set from Obama's first public remarks in London on Wednesday, at a press conference with Prime Minister Gordon Brown, where the American President said he had come "to listen, not to lecture." At a joint appearance with German Chancellor Angela Merkel in Baden-Baden on Friday, a German reporter asked Obama about his "grand designs" for NATO. "I don't come bearing grand designs,"

Obama said, scrapping the leadership role the U.S. maintained through the Cold War. "I'm here to listen, to share ideas and to jointly, as one of many NATO allies, help shape our vision for the future."

On Thursday night, after the G-20 summit ended, Obama took so many questions from the foreign press, including British, Indian and Chinese reporters, that a group of them applauded when he left the stage. Two American reporters asked Obama for his response to the claim by Brown that the "Washington consensus is over." Obama all but agreed with Brown, noting that the phrase had its roots in a significant set of economic policies that had shown itself to be imperfect. He went on to talk about the benefits of increasing economic competition with the U.S. "That's not a loss for America," he said of the economic rise of other powers. "It's an appreciation that Europe is now rebuilt and a powerhouse. Japan is rebuilt, is a powerhouse. China, India — these are all countries on the move. And that's good."

At a town hall in Strasbourg, France, Obama stood before an audience of mostly French and German youth and admitted that the U.S. should have a greater respect for Europe. "In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world," he said before offering other European critical views of his country. "There have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive."

The contrast is striking. Only four years ago, George W. Bush, in his second Inaugural Address, described what he called America's "considerable" influence, saying, "We will use it confidently in freedom's cause." Bush's vision of American power was combative and aggressive. He said the U.S. would "seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture." He continued, "We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom."

Obama, by contrast, is looking for collaboration. He is looking to build a collective vision, not to impose an American one. And the response has been notable, from the endless flashbulbs that fired off at his town hall to the cheers of spectators who lined his motorcade routes and gathered outside his events in London. At the end of Obama's Friday press conference, French President Nicolas Sarkozy addressed the issue directly, speaking through an interpreter. "It feels really good to be able to work with a U.S. President who wants to change the world and who understands that the world does not boil down to simply American frontiers and borders," he said. "And that is a hell of a good piece of news for 2009."  

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Kissinger affirms call for 'new world order'

Proposes globalism to solve current world economic crisis

Published: 01/15/2009 at 3:58 PM

by Jerome R. Corsi Email | Archive

http://www.wnd.com/images/kissinger.jpg

Henry Kissinger

Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger reaffirmed his call for the incoming Obama administration to use the current financial crisis to create a “new world order,” in a commentary piece for the International Herald Tribune.

Kissinger’s commentary makes clear globalists intend to utilize the current global financial meltdown to advance globalism.

In developing his call for action, Kissinger also makes clear his view of globalism involves a lessening of American power and influence to elevate other less advantaged countries in the global economy.

“The economic world has been globalized,” Kissinger proclaimed. “Its institutions have a global reach and have operated by maxims that assumed a self-regulating global market.”

Kissinger warns against individual countries taking action through national political institutions to cushion the shock of the current financial decline, with a view to ameliorating their domestic economies.

Rather than focus on domestic politics, Kissinger says the solution involves more globalism.

“Every major country has attempted to solve its immediate problems essentially on its own and to defer common action to a later, less crisis-driven point,” Kissinger wrote. “So called rescue packages have emerged on a piecemeal national basis, generally by substituting unlimited governmental credit for the domestic credit that produced the debacle in the first place – so far without more than stemming incipient panic.”

Kissinger strongly objects to nation-states action as such to protect their domestic economies.

“In the end, the political and economic systems can be harmonized in only one of two ways: by creating an international political regulatory system with the same reach as that of the economic world,” he suggests, “or by shrinking the economic units to a size manageable by existing political structures, which is likely to lead to a new mercantilism, perhaps of regional units.”

Kissinger clearly prefers creating global political institutions to manage the global economy. He positions his alternative, “mercantilism,” as a system reminiscent of a 14th century Venetian economic structure, as objectionable as the “protectionism” globalists typically rail against.

Kissinger also chides America for being overbearing, suggesting that “righteousness” has “characterized too many American attitudes, especially since the collapse of the Soviet Union.”

He charges that American righteousness has resulted in “a certain inherent unilateralism – the standard of European critics – or else an insistent kind of consultation by which nations were invited to prove their fitness to enter the international system by conforming to American prescriptions.”

Not since JFK has a president like Obama come on the scene, “with such a reservoir of expectations,” Kissinger argues.

Kissinger believes the U.S. partnerships with the European Union and China are the keystones to developing his perception of the new world order.

He acknowledges “the global financial collapse has devastated Chinese exports,” threatening to lower Chinese growth to below the 7.5 percent rate “that Chinese experts have always defined as the line that challenges political stability.”

Yet, he warns that “if protectionism grows in America or if China comes to be seen as a long-term adversary, a self-fulfilling prophecy may blight the prospects of global order.”

Kissinger wants his vision of the new world order to be built upon a trans-Atlantic reality in which the U.S. combines economically and politically with the European Union, and a trans-Pacific reality in which the U.S. combines with China.

“An international order can be permanent only if its participants have a share not only in building but also securing it,” he concludes. “In this manner, America and its potential partners have a unique opportunity to transform a moment of crisis into a vision of hope.”

As WND previously reported, Kissinger, who has long proclaimed the need for a “new world order,” is now focusing his request on Obama, urging the incoming president to seize upon the current financial crisis as a pathway to creating globalist political structures as a solution.

“The Late Great USA: The Coming Merger with Mexico and Canada,” published in July 2007, predicted that an approaching collapse of the dollar would be followed by a global recession paving the way for a North American Union regional configuration in which U.S. sovereignty would fade.

WND also has reported Kissinger is a leading participant in various global meetings, including those held by the Council on Foreign Relations, the Bilderberg Group and the Davos World Economic Forum.

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An end of hubris

Henry Kissinger

Reuters

Nov 19th 2008 |From The World In 2009 print edition

America will be less powerful, but still the essential nation in creating a new world order, argues Henry Kissinger, a former secretary of state and founder of Kissinger Associates

The most significant event of 2009 will be the transformation of the Washington consensus that market principles trumped national boundaries. The WTO, the IMF and the World Bank defended that system globally. Periodic financial crises were interpreted not as warning signals of what could befall the industrial nations but as aberrations of the developing world to be remedied by domestic stringency—a policy which the advanced countries were not, in the event, prepared to apply to themselves.

The absence of restraint encouraged a speculation whose growing sophistication matched its mounting lack of transparency. An unparalleled period of growth followed, but also the delusion that an economic system could sustain itself via debt indefinitely. In reality, a country could live in such a profligate manner only so long as the rest of the world retained confidence in its economic prescriptions. That period has now ended.

Any economic system, but especially a market economy, produces winners and losers. If the gap between them becomes too great, the losers will organise themselves politically and seek to recast the existing system—within nations and between them. This will be a major theme of 2009.

America's unique military and political power produced a comparable psychological distortion. The sudden collapse of the Soviet Union tempted the United States to proclaim universal political goals in a world of seeming unipolarity—but objectives were defined by slogans rather than strategic feasibility.

Now that the clay feet of the economic system have been exposed, the gap between a global system for economics and the global political system based on the state must be addressed as a dominant task in 2009. The economy must be put on a sound footing, entitlement programmes reviewed and the national dependence on debt overcome. Hopefully, in the process, past lessons of excessive state control will not be forgotten.

The debate will be over priorities, transcending the longstanding debate between idealism and realism. Economic constraints will oblige America to define its global objectives in terms of a mature concept of the national interest. Of course, a country that has always prided itself on its exceptionalism will not abandon the moral convictions by which it defined its greatness. But America needs to learn to discipline itself into a strategy of gradualism that seeks greatness in the accumulation of the attainable. By the same token, our allies must be prepared to face the necessary rather than confining foreign policy to so-called soft power.

Every major country will be driven by the constraints of the fiscal crisis to re-examine its relationship to America. All—and especially those holding American debt—will be assessing the decisions that brought them to this point. As America narrows its horizons, what is a plausible security system and aimed at what threats? What is the future of capitalism? How, in such circumstances, does the world deal with global challenges, such as nuclear proliferation or climate change?

America will have to learn that world order depends on a structure that participants support because they helped bring it about

America will remain the most powerful country, but will not retain the position of self-proclaimed tutor. As it learns the limits of hegemony, it should define implementing consultation beyond largely American conceptions. The G8 will need a new role to embrace China, India, Brazil and perhaps South Africa.

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The immediate challenge

In Iraq, if the surge strategy holds, there must be a diplomatic conference in 2009 to establish principles of non-intervention and define the country's international responsibilities.

The dilatory diplomacy towards Iran must be brought to a focus. The time available to forestall an Iranian nuclear programme is shrinking and American involvement is essential in defining what we and our allies are prepared to seek and concede and, above all, the penalty to invoke if negotiations reach a stalemate. Failing that, we will have opted to live in a world of an accelerating nuclear arms race and altered parameters of security.

In 2009 the realities of Afghanistan will impose themselves. No outside power has ever prevailed by establishing central rule, as Britain learnt in the 19th century and the Soviet Union in the 20th. The collection of nearly autonomous provinces which define Afghanistan coalesce in opposition to outside attempts to impose central rule. Decentralisation of the current effort is essential.

All this requires a new dialogue between America and the rest of the world. Other countries, while asserting their growing roles, are likely to conclude that a less powerful America still remains indispensable. America will have to learn that world order depends on a structure that participants support because they helped bring it about. If progress is made on these enterprises, 2009 will mark the beginning of a new world order.

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